U.S. should show leadership in fight against ISIS

The United States has been the most visibly engaged state among the major world powers in fighting against al-Qaida, the Taliban, ISIS and other representatives of radical Islamic jihadism in Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria. On the ground in these countries, however, it has been local Muslims -- Kurds, Arabs, Pashtuns and others -- who have borne the brunt of fighting.

Other Muslim nations, including Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, have also contributed in a significant way to these conflicts. What of the other major powers, especially in Europe? To what extent are these states participating in what has become a multi-national effort to defeat the Islamic States and its allies in Iraq, Syria and elsewhere?

Russia has in many ways been the most active European state as a direct combatant against Islamic jihadism, but in some ways the greatest enabler of these forces. For many years it was Russia's bloody campaign against Chechen separatism, and the consequent retaliatory terrorist attacks by Chechen jihadis, that brought Russia to international attention. Chechens that gained experience against Russia then took their fight to Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and elsewhere. Some fight alongside ISIS to this day.

Russia has had a nuanced approach to the Middle East, however, providing arms, diplomatic support, and favorable trade deals to dictatorships in Syria, Sudan and Iran, as well as to Saddam Hussein in Iraq and Moammar Gadhafi in Libya before those tyrants fell. At the same time, it has offered no quarter to radical Muslim groups within its own borders, destroying entire districts, violently forcing resettlement, and showing no restraint against Muslim communities, even while denouncing far less devastating U.S. operations in the Middle East. Targeted by Islamist jihadi groups such as the Caucasus Emirate, Russia continues to face internal terrorist attacks, even though Chechnya itself is quieter and under the control of pro-Russian allies.

In Syria, Russia is the chief sponsor of the regime of Bashar al Assad. Providing weapons, training and intelligence to Assad, they enable him to maintain his fight against all the other forces in Syria. Not just ISIS, but other rebel forces. Kurdish units, moderate Sunni rebels and al-Qaida affiliates such as Al Nusra all consider themselves enemies of Assad, but none have yet gained sufficient power to threaten his rule in Damascus.

While Assad does fight against ISIS, the Islamic State currently focuses its effort to the East, attempting to take and hold additional terrain in Iraq, outside the main interest area for Russia and its Syrian ally. In recent weeks, Russia has begun to take modest actions against ISIS -- stopping the flow of volunteers from Russia, encouraging its Chechen allies to fight IS sympathizers, and improving ties with Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iran -- three enemies of IS.

France and the United Kingdom are distinctive in Europe not only because they are the states in the EU most capable of launching military operations in North Africa and the Middle East, but because of their long-standing ties in the region.

As former imperial powers, that once jointly ruled most of the modern day Middle East, both have maintained military, economic and cultural ties to many nations currently under pressure from radical Islamic jihadism.

France is more involved in North Africa, with training missions and deployed forces numbering more than 5,000 in its former colonies, while the UK maintains its own connections to the Gulf Arab states and was a major U.S. ally in Afghanistan until withdrawing its last combat forces at the end of 2014.

France and the UK continue to face serious internal threats from radicalized Muslims living within their borders, most recently exemplified by the murderous attacks in Paris on the Charlie Hebdo magazine and a Jewish deli by al-Qaida sympathizers.

Germany has long seen the struggle against radical Islamic jihadism as primarily an issue of law enforcement. An opponent of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Germany nonetheless deployed modest numbers of personnel to Afghanistan to train local forces, but insisted on its personnel remaining in safer regions. Unlike France, the UK and the Netherlands, Germany is not participating in operations against ISIS in Iraq or Syria, limiting itself to promising material, financial and intelligence support.

Although it was a major participant in the Iraq War, deployed forces to Afghanistan and was one of the leading nations in the effort that toppled Libya's dictatorship in 2011, Italy has taken on a more modest role in the fight against ISIS. Similar to Germany, it has provided training for Iraqis Kurdish fighters, and sent military and humanitarian aid to Iraqi forces.

Smaller European states, including Denmark, the Netherlands, and Belgium, have played a disproportionately large role in the fight against ISIS and al-Qaida, on a greater scale than Germany or Italy.

Similar to the courageous stance taken by Jordan in the Middle East, these nations understand that they cannot stand by, even if those with more power in an absolute sense, including the United States, are doing less than is possible.

Each European state approaches the threat of radical Islamic jihadism, whether in Iraq or closer to home, according to their own strategic assessments, capabilities and domestic politics.

What is necessary to bring these states together for victory over ISIS, a victory sought most ardently by the Muslims that are this insurgency's principal victims, is clear, determined and focused leadership by the United States.

The hesitant and morally ambiguous leadership of President Obama in the region -- equating Crusaders with the Islamic State, for example -- has dismayed allies, enabling ISIS to gain more time and territory.

The 60-plus nations, including Europeans, that have committed force and treasure against ISIS lack only U.S. strategic vision and unrelenting focus to win this war.

The alternative for the region, and the world, are too horrible to contemplate.

Wayne Bowen received his Ph.D. in history from Northwestern University, and is also an Army veteran.