THE CONCEALED WEAPON DEBATE, PART 2

In Wednesday's edition Sen. Kinder looked at how many past "crime bills," which were often hailed by politicians and media alike, had little effect on worsening crime in the state. Meanwhile, concealed weapon legislation had become law in 38 other states, with positive results. Even though both houses of the Missouri General Assembly passed concealed weapon legislation separately this session, legislative obstacles were placed in its way to keep it from becoming law. This column completes Kinder's description of how he forced the issue to a vote.

I described my substitute amendment, explaining that it differed from the original only for having been slightly altered to include concerns of the Fraternal Order of Police, the most recent group to endorse the right to carry a concealed weapon. A friendly Democrat, Sen. Mike Lybyer of Texas County, asked whether I would agree to an amendment that would hold sheriffs harmless from liability in turning down an applicant for a permit. With unanimous consent, we made the change.

Next, I faced the expected challenge from the Majority Floor Leader. He informed me, "Senator, I don't want anybody in my district to be armed; I don't want you to be armed. My district is a killing gallery." I replied, "Senator, I don't own a gun and never have; that is not the issue. I do, however, recognize the vital importance of firearms to protect our freedom, and now, to protect our very lives."

I cited him to an example from his own territory. "Five female teachers from St. Charles are pursuing masters' degrees in night classes at St. Louis University," I related. "After teaching all day, they arrive in the city, at the parking lot, after dark, for 7 p.m. classes. They go to class. After class, perhaps, they stop by the library. Returning to the parking lot and their cars at 9:30 or 10:00 or even later, they head home. They informed another of our colleagues, `Senator, each of us carrys a pistol in our purse. Please make legal what we're already doing.'"

"Senator," I concluded, "This is a womens' rights issue -- a feminist issue, if you will. You're a champion of feminist causes, are you not?"

Next up was Sen. William "Lacy" Clay, D.-St. Louis. He read me some polling numbers and denounced my proposal as "dangerous and reckless." Dismissing his polling, I replied, "Senator, the current situation is dangerous. What we want to do is create doubt in the minds of vicious criminals about whether one or another of their intended victims is armed."

President Pro Tem Mathewson wanted to vote and go on to other business. He went to Sen. Clay, urging him to quit so that I could close and senators could vote. I closed with an appeal to all my colleagues to extend to Missourians a right enjoyed by citizens of now that Tennessee had joined that very morning 39 other states. The roll was called and my amendment prevailed by a vote of 18-14, with two pro-gun Kansas City Democrats absent and not voting.

Another gun rights opponent, Sen. John Schneider, D.-St. Louis, jumped to his feet and offered a substitute bill to replace the juvenile crime bill. A neat ploy, straight from Gov. Carnahan's office, this substitute had nothing in it about guns. At 5:45, maneuvering halted; the juvenile crime bill's sponsor moved his bill be tabled; my amendment died with the bill; and the Missouri Senate went on to other business before our 6 p.m. adjournment. (For the record, Democrats voted 11-7 against my amendment; Republicans voted 11-3 for it.)

For the first time in the history of the General Assembly, we had won a senate floor vote achieving a constitutional majority for the right of Missourians to apply for a permit to carry a concealed weapon. The battle for the rights of law-abiding Missourians will continue in next year's session.